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——关于黄体酮的合成研究
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——关于黄体酮的合成研究
关注微信公众号小木虫 --- 700万学术达人喜爱的学术科研平台
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&&关于合成目的基因的问题
关于合成目的基因的问题
各位大侠，我想合成目的基因，然后转到大肠杆菌里进行表达，这个方案可行么？如果可行，那么我合成的目的基因应该怎么合成？是直接合成目的基因？还是在目的基因两段加上保守序列？加多少？或者直接合成带有粘性末端的目的基因呢？希望各位大侠能够指点，如果可以的话，可以加我的QQ聊，谢谢。
我现在遇到的问题是能P出来我的目的带大小的碱基，但是每次测序结果够不是，我现在不知道出现什么问题了，合成只是我最后走的一步了，
学术必备与600万学术达人在线互动！
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北京学而思教育科技有限公司 地址：北京市海淀区北三环甲18号中鼎大厦A座1层102室 电话：010-美国宾夕法尼亚大学医学院的研究小组让实验室老鼠保持清醒状态，以仿效现代社会中常见的因为做夜班或者工作时间太长而导致的睡眠不足。他们密切关注老鼠大脑中那些与保持大脑警觉有关的脑细胞，研究人员以夜班工人的睡觉时间为模式，也就是接连三天夜里工作，每24小时中只睡4到5个小时。在让实验室老鼠几天来按照与夜班工人相同的睡眠时间睡觉之后，实验老鼠失去了脑干部分25%的脑细胞。科学家说，这是首个睡眠不足会导致脑细胞死亡的证据，但是强调说，必须做更多研究，来证实人类是否也会因为睡眠不足而造成脑细胞不可挽回的损害。下一步研究是检查生前做轮班工作（轮流做夜班和白班）的死者的大脑，看是否有任何脑细胞损失的证据。而从长远看，科学家建议研制一种保护脑细胞的药物，提高人体中与睡眠有关的天然化学物质。
一项概念性的实验表明，通过逆转化过程，可以以发酵的方式合成昂贵的药物分子，这种制造人工有机分子的替代性方法被称为生物逆合成（bioretrosynthesis），四年前由Vanderbilt大学的Brian
Bachmann首次提出，如今他们成功利用这种方法得到了HIV药物去羟肌苷，目前，合成化学家几乎能在实验室合成出任何能够想到的分子，但并不总是能便宜和大量的制备，利用生物逆合成，理论上可以得到除单糖以外的几乎所有有机分子。另外，生物逆合成依赖酶的作用，属于环境友好型制造方法。通常情况下，演化和合成化学都是从简单到复杂的过程，小分子相互组合和修饰形成能执行特定功能的更大和更复杂的分子，生物逆合成则是完全相反的过程，它从最后的产物出发，利用自然选择的原则寻找一系列能得到最终产物的专门的酶，找出化学反应链当中最开始的简单和常见的化合物。运用这种倒退的方法，化学家以昂贵的去羟肌苷为目标，先确定了一个能被转化为去羟肌苷的类似的“前体”分子，它能在酶的作用下发生具体的化学反应形成去羟肌苷，确定出这种酶以后，他们采用独特的能引入随机突变的复制技术得到该酶的数千个基因复制体，利用自然选择的力量筛选出合适的基因序列，突变基因被转移到肠道大肠杆菌中合成突变酶，
放到不同的孔板中，当细胞破开后，里面的混合物与前体化合物搅在一起，然后测量每个孔中的去羟肌苷含量，从中选出合成量最多的酶，下一步是得到足够多的优化酶。接下来研究人员确定了第二个前体和相关的转化酶，步骤同上，又产生了成千上万的转化酶突变基因，插入到大肠杆菌基因组后，放到板孔中筛选最优的第二种酶，研究人员一共进行了三次这样的逆选择过程，直到能从简单的廉价脱氧核糖为起始物合成去羟肌苷，这其中一个关键的技术挑战是快速确定酶的立体结构，研究团队分析了每轮诱变后实验室产生的进化酶，确定了结构变化如何改善酶合成预期转变的能力。这些信息帮助研究人员弄清了为什么一些突变酶的催化能力要更好，从而引导他们选择更有利的前体蛋白质，这项概念性的研究是在体外进行的，它直接投入酶进行反应，但最终目标是用发酵的方法来制备这些人造化合物。
世界各地的科学家正在致力于开发能在纳米结构控制光的光芯片，这些可能用于未来电路的芯片采用光而不是电子进行控制，但一直都没能实现完美的光纳米结构，如今，Niels
Bohr研究所和DTU（丹麦技术大学）的研究人员发现，不完善的纳米结构能提供全新的功能，它能被用来制造“纳米激光器”，它是一种绝对紧凑和高能效的光源。他们使用的超小光子晶体膜（宽25微米，厚340纳米）是由半导体材料砷化镓（GaAs）制成的，上面每隔380纳米就蚀刻有一个纳米孔，孔能反射光线并用来控制光芯片中光的传播，研究人员因而希望能获得完美的孔结构图案来控制特定光路中的光，但实际制造过程中不可避免地会出现小的不规则性，导致光损失和降低性能，Niels
Bohr研究所的研究人员将劣势转化为优势，转而将这种不完美的芯片用来捕获光，事实证明，它非常适合用来捕获光线，当光照进芯片中时，它会撞到许多不规则的小孔，向随机方向反射光线，由于频繁反射，光线被困在芯片中，无法逃脱，使光被放大，为产生高效和紧凑的激光器创造了很好的条件。研究人员设计了光子晶体并进行了实验研究，光源被整合到光子晶体本身，它有一层发光的人造原子组成，光子从透明的玻璃中穿过，遇到多孔图案。当光子撞击到一个孔上时，它会产生反射并被引导到所谓的波导通道（引导光子的“光通道”）中，由于那些孔有瑕疵，光纤会在光子晶体的波导中来回反射，不断增强结果变成激光，纳米尺度上的激光器被认为具有巨大的潜力。研究者称，在纳米尺度上控制光和产生激光的能力将被用到基于光子的电路制造商，打通未来光量子通信的道路，内置的激光光源将能够整合进光学组件中完成更复杂的功能，他们的最终梦想是能够建立一个“量子网络”，信息能够编码在单个光子中。
一些糖尿病药物如何对肿瘤有效；几年来，一类双胍类抗糖尿病药物以被证明具有抗癌作用，一些回顾性研究表明，广泛使用二甲双胍能使某些癌症患者受益，但这种抗癌作用是如何发生的以及更重要的，哪些病人能从中受益并不清楚。如今，Whitehead研究所的科学家逐渐开始解开这一谜团，他们确定出一个主要的线粒体途径能使癌细胞获得在低葡萄糖环境中的生存能力，通过鉴定那些癌细胞的这一通路受损或葡萄糖利用率下降，科学家可以预测哪些肿瘤将会对抑制该通路的抗糖尿病药物敏感。为研究癌性肿瘤低糖环境中癌细胞如何生存，研究人员开发出细胞周围连续低营养培养介质的系统，然后在系统内测试了30种癌细胞系，大多数癌细胞似乎不受低糖环境的影响，但有少数几个癌细胞系会快速复制和生长，还有一些则生长缓慢，这些癌细胞系所表现的对低糖环境的不同响应令人费解。研究人员猜测一些癌细胞对低糖环境的敏感性是否能被用来攻击肿瘤，他们特别筛选了抑制作用更加明显的癌细胞（存活率低），针对的是线粒体中与葡萄糖运输和氧化磷酸化有关的代谢途径的基因。研究者认为，这些基因突变在正常环境下过度使用了线粒体，当处于苛刻的低糖状况时，线粒体被过度征用导致细胞受到损伤，这样的话双胍类药物（氧化磷酸化抑制剂）就会进一步破坏线粒体功能，通过破坏线粒体杀死癌细胞。他们现在体外测试了葡萄糖利用受损和线粒体DNA突变的13个癌细胞系，与对照组相比，那些细胞对苯乙双胍（比二甲双胍更有效）的敏感性是对照组的5-20倍，然后又在移植了低糖敏感性癌细胞的小鼠体内测试了苯乙双胍，结果发现能抑制肿瘤的生长。研究结果表明，线粒体DNA和糖利用缺陷可以作为生物标记物，提示双胍类药物是否能对这些病人有效，研究人员也打算对先前的临床试验数据进行分析，以确定这些生物标志物是否真的有效。
咖啡体验报告
品种：Bali Golden Rabbits巴厘岛黄金兔（公豆）
烘培: 少见的硬豆，中深度烘培后豆脆干，内部斑驳状
香气：烘培豆香味指数一般，三星。
价格：人民币400元/225g
口感：这支豆子口感顺滑，苦味突出，有微弱焦味，回甘快而适度，味道简洁和明快。
公豆黄金兔（公豆颗粒呈圆球状，母豆颗粒半球状，需手工做分拣）属于黄金兔系列的顶级产品，充分张扬黄金兔品种特色，苦的够味，甘的适度，味道转换简明直接。适合那些对苦痴迷，对甘适度追求的人。使用公豆避免了普通黄金豆（混合豆和母豆）层次感差的问题，提升了苦甘味的单项指标水平。
Machiavelli 1469年—1527年），著有名著《君主论》。
Curriculum Vitae: Dr. Jim Yong Kim
Academic Appointments
President, Dartmouth College
Professor of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School
Professor of Medicine, Harvard Medical School
Fran&ois-Xavier Bagnoud Professor of Health and Human Rights,
Harvard School of Public Health
Associate Clinical Professor of Social Medicine, Harvard
Medical School
Associate Clinical Professor of Medicine, Harvard Medical
Associate Professor of Medicine, Harvard Medical School
Associate Professor of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical
Assistant Professor of Medicine, Department of Medicine,
Harvard Medical School
Assistant Professor of Medical Anthropology, Department of
Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School
Instructor in Medicine, Harvard Medical School
Instructor in Social Medicine, Department of Social Medicine,
Harvard Medical School
Lecturer in Social Medicine, Department of Social Medicine,
Harvard Medical School
Major Administrative Responsibilities
Member, Strategic Planning Steering Committee, Harvard Medical
Chair, Department of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical
Director, Fran&ois-Xavier Bagnoud Center for Health and Human
Chief, Division of Global Health Equity, Department of
Medicine, Brigham and Women’s Hospital
Director, Department of HIV/AIDS, World Health
Organization
Adviser to the Director General, World Health Organization
Co-chief, on leave, Division of Global Health Inequity, Brigham
and Women’s Hospital
Chief, Division of Social Medicine and Health Inequalities,
Department of Medicine, Brigham and Women’s Hospital
Executive Director, Partners In Health—Roxbury
Director, Program in Infectious Disease and Social Change,
Department of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School
Founding Director, Socios En Salud, Carabayllo, Peru
Co-director, Program in Infectious Disease and Social Change,
Harvard Medical School
Executive Director, Partners In Health
Medical Director, Short Stay Unit, Brigham and Women’s
Harvard University, Department of Anthropology
Harvard Medical School
Brown University (magna cum laude)
Internships and Fellowships
Fellowship
Combined Longwood Infectious Disease Fellowship Training
Program, Beth Israel and Brigham & Women’s
Department of Internal Medicine, Brigham and Women’s
Internship
Department of Internal Medicine, Brigham and Women’s
Pre-doctoral Fellowship
National Institutes of Mental Health, Harvard University
Fellowship Training Program in Clinically Relevant Medical
Anthropology
Publications
Original articles
Keshavjee S, Gelmanova I, Farmer P, Mishustin SP, Strelis A,
Andreev Y, Pasechnikov A, Atwood S, Mukherjee J, Rich M, Furin J,
Nardell E, Kim JY, Shin S. (2008). Treatment of extensively
drug-resistant tuberculosis in Tomsk, Russia: a retrospective
cohort study. Lancet; 372(-9.
Kim JY, Farmer P. (2008). Surgery and Global Health: A View
from Beyond the OR. World Journal of Surgery; 32(4):
Kim JY, Farmer P. (2008). Human rights, community-based health
care and child survival. Child Survival: The State of the
World’s Children. UNICEF .
Keshavjee S, Seung KJ, Satti H, Furin J, Kim JY, Farmer P,
Becerra M. (2007). Building Capacity for Multidrug-Resistant
Tuberculosis Treatment- Health Systems Strengthening in Lesotho.
Innovations MIT; 2 (4): 87-106.
Kim JY. (2007). Toward a Golden Age- Reflections on Global
Health and Social Justice. Harvard International
Review; 29 (2): 20-25.
Kim JY. (2006).Unexpected political immunity to AIDS.
Lancet; 368(.
Kim JY, Farmer P. (2006). AIDS in 2006 — Moving toward one
world, one hope? New England Journal of Medicine;
355:645-7.
Pinheiro E, Vasan A, Kim JY, Lee E, Guimier JM, Perriens J.
(2006). Examining the production costs of antiretroviral drugs.
AIDS; 20: .
Boerma JT, Stanecki KA, Newell ML, Luo C, Beusenberg M, Garnett
GP, Little K, Calleja JG, Crowley S, Kim JY, Zanjewski E, Walker N,
Stover J, Ghys PD. (2006). Monitoring the scale-up of
antiretroviral therapy programmes: methods to estimate coverage.
Bulletin of the World Health Organization;
84(2):145-50.
Becerra MC, Pachao-Torreblanca IF, Bayona J, Celi R, Shin SS,
Kim JY, Farmer PE, Murray M. (2005). Expanding tuberculosis case
detection by screening household contacts. Public Health
Reports; 120(3):271-7.
Kim JY, Shakow AD, Mate K, Vanderwarker C, Gupta R, Farmer P.
(2005). Limited Good and Limited Vision: Multidrug-resistant
tuberculosis and global health policy. Social Science and
Medicine; 61(4):847-59.
Shin S, Furin J, Bayona J, Mate K, Kim JY, Farmer PE. (2004).
Community-based treatment of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis in
Lima, Peru: Seven years of experience. Social Science and
Medicine; 59: .
Gupta R, Irwin A, Raviglione MC, Kim JY. (2004). Scaling up
treatment for HIV/AIDS: Lessons learned from multidrug-resistant
tuberculosis. Lancet; 363(.
Seung KJ, Bai GH, Kim SJ, Lew WJ, Park SK, Kim JY. (2003). The
treatment of tuberculosis in South Korea. International
Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease; 7(10):912-9.
Shin SS, Hyson AM, Casta&eda C, S&nchez E, Alc&ntara F, Mitnick
CD, Smith-Fawzi MK, Bayona J, Farmer PE, Kim JY, Furin JJ. (2003).
Peripheral neuropathy associated with treatment for
multidrug-resistant tuberculosis. International Journal of
Tuberculosis and Lung Disease; 7(4): 347-53.
Mitnick C, Bayona J, Palacios E, Shin S, Furin J, Alc&ntara F,
S&nchez E, Sarria M, Becerra M, Fawzi MCS, Kapiga S, Neuberg D,
Maguire JH, Kim JY, Farmer PE. (2003). Community-based therapy for
multidrug-resistant tuberculosis in Lima, Peru. New England
Journal of Medicine; 348(2):119-28.
Gupta R, Cegielski JP, Espinal MA, Henkens M, Kim JY,
Lambregts-Van Weezenbeek CS, Lee JW, Raviglione MC, Suarez PG,
Varaine F. (2002). Increasing transparency in partnerships for
health--introducing the Green Light Committee. Tropical
Medicine and International Health; 7: 970-6.
Farmer PE, Leandre F, Mukherjee J, Gupta R, Tarter L, Kim JY.
(2001). Community-based treatment of advanced HIV disease:
Introducing DOT-HAART (Directly Observed therapy with highly active
antiretroviral therapy). Bulletin of the World Health
Organization; 79(12):1145-51.
Farmer P, Leandre F, Mukherjee JS, Claude M, Nevil P,
Smith-Fawzi MC, Koenig SP, Castro A, Becerra MC, Sachs J, Attaran
A, Kim JY. (2001). Community-based approaches to HIV treatment in
resource-poor settings. Lancet; 358(.
Furin JJ, Mitnick CD, Shin SS, Bayona MC, Becerra MC, Singler
JM, Alcantara F, Casta&eda C, Sanchez E, Acha J, Farmer PE, Kim JY.
(2001). Occurrence of serious adverse effects in patients receiving
community-based therapy for multidrug-resistant tuberculosis.
International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung
Disease; 5(7):648-55.
Gupta R, Kim JY, Espinal MA, Caudron JM, Pecoul B, Farmer PE,
Raviglione MC. (2001). Public health: Responding to market failures
in tuberculosis control. Science;
Becerra MC, Bayona J, Freeman J, Farmer PE, Kim JY. (2000).
Redefining MDR-TB transmission “hot spots.” International
Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease; 4(5):387-94.
Furin JJ, Becerra MC, Shin SS, Kim JY, Bayona J, Farmer PE.
(2000). Effect of short-course, empiric regimens in individuals
infected with drug-resistant Mycobacterium tuberculosis strains.
European Journal of Clinical Microbiology and Infectious
Diseases; 19(2):132-6.
Becerra MC, Freeman J, Bayona J, Shin SS, Furin JJ, Kim JY,
Werner B, Timperi R, Sloutsky A, Wilson ME, Pagano M, Farmer PE.
(2000). Using treatment failure under effective directly observed
short-course chemotherapy programs to identify patients with
multidrug-resistant tuberculosis. International Journal of
Tuberculosis and Lung Disease; 4(2): 108-14.
Farmer PE, Kim JY. (1998). Community-based approaches to the
control of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis: Introducing
“DOTS-plus”. British Medical Journal; 317:671-4.
Farmer PE, Kim JY. (1991). Anthropology, accountability, and
the prevention of AIDS. The Journal of Sex Research;
28:203-22.
Farmer PE, Robin S, Ramilus SL, Kim JY. (1991). Tuberculosis,
poverty, and “compliance”: Lessons from rural Haiti. Seminars
in Respiratory Infections; 6(4):254-60.
Proceedings of Meetings
Mukherjee JS, Rich ML, Seung KJ, Socci AR, Joseph JK, Shin S,
Furin JJ, Alc&ntara F, Bayona J, Kim JY, Farmer PE, Smith Fawzi MC.
Treatment of Multidrug-Resistant Tuberculosis: A Review of
Programs and Principles. World Congress on Tuberculosis,
Washington DC, 3-5 June 2002.
Nichter M, Castro A, Bukhman G, Kim, JY, Farmer PE, Kendall C,
Sankar A, Luborsky M. Confronting Global Challenges to TB and
HIV: the Politics of Responsibility. [Proceedings of
Meeting] Society for Applied Anthropology Annual Meeting 2002,
March 2002.
Gupta R, Brenner JG, Henry CL, Kim JY, Shin S, Espinal M,
Raviglione MC. Procurement of Second-Line Anti-Tuberculosis
Drugs for DOTS-Plus Pilot Projects [abstract]. Proceedings
of a meeting of the WHO Working Group on DOTS-Plus for MDR-TB,
Cambridge, MA 5-6 July 1999. Geneva: World Health Organization,
Mukherjee JS, Rich ML, Socci AR, Joseph JK, Alc&ntara Vir& F,
Shin S, Furin J, Becerra MC, Barry D, Kim JY, Bayona J, Farmer P,
Smith Fawzi MC, Seung KJ. (2004). Programmes and Principles in
Treatment of Multidrug-Resistant Tuberculosis. [Review].
Lancet; 363: 474-81.
Bayona J, Furin JJ, Palacios E, Shin SS, Becerra MC, Kim JY,
Mitnick CD, S&nchez E, Farmer PE. (In Press). DOTS Plus in the
northern cone of Lima, Peru. In Portaels F (ed.),
Tuberculosis: The Real Millennium Bug. Dordrecht:
Kim JY, Farmer PE. (2007). Global Issues in Medicine. In:
Kasper DL, Braunwald E, Hauser S, Longo D, Jameson JL, Fauci AS.
Harrison’s Principles of Internal Medicine. New York:
McGraw H p. 6-15.
Kim JY, Shakow A, Castro A, Vanderwarker C, Farmer P. (2003).
Tuberculosis control. In: Smith R, Beaglehole R, Woodward D, Drager
N, (eds). Global Public Goods for Health: Health Economic and
Public Health Perspectives. New York: Oxford University
Press for the World Health O p. 54-72.
Marshall R, Behforouz HL, Reddy A, Kim, JY. (2002). A case
management approach to HIV/AIDS prevention and care in Boston. In:
Jon Rohde, John Wyon (eds). Community-Based Health Care:
Lessons from Bangladesh to Boston. Boston, MA: Management
Sciences for Health-Harvard A p. 269-77.
Kim JY, Shakow ADA, Bayona J. (2000). The privatization of
health in Peru. Health and Human Development in the New Global
Economy. In: Bambas A, Casas JA, Drayton H, Valdes A, (eds).
Health and Human Development in the New Global Economy: The
Contributions and Perspectives of Civil Society in the
Americas. Washington, DC: World Health O p.
Farmer PE, Shin SS, Bayona J, Kim JY, Furin JJ, Brenner JG.
(2000). Making DOTS plus work. In: Bastian I, Portaels F (eds).
Multidrug-resistant tuberculosis. Dordrecht: Kluwer
Academic P p. 285-306.
Millen JV, Irwin A, Kim JY. (2000). Conclusion: pessimism of
the intellect, optimism of the will. In: Kim JY, Millen JV, Irwin
A, Gershman J (eds). Dying for growth: Global inequality and
the health of the poor. Monroe, ME: Common Courage P p.
Kim JY, Shakow ADA, Bayona J, Rhatigan J, Becerra MC. (2000).
Sickness amidst recovery: Public debt and private suffering in a
Peruvian shantytown. In: Kim JY, Millen JV, Irwin A, Gershman J
(eds). Dying for growth: Global inequality and the health of
the poor. Monroe, ME: Common Courage P p. 127-54.
Millen JV, Irwin A, Kim JY. (2000). Introduction: What is
growing? Who is dying? In: Kim JY, Millen JV, Irwin A, Gershman J
(eds). Dying for growth: Global inequality and the health of
the poor. Monroe, ME: Common Courage P p. 3-10.
Farmer PE, Kim JY, Mitnick C, Timperi R. (1999). Responding to
outbreaks of multidrug-resistant tuberculosis: Introducing
“DOTS-Plus”. In: Reichman LB, Hershfield ES (eds).
Tuberculosis: A comprehensive international approach.
Second edition. New York: Marcel Dekker Inc.; p. 447-69.
Kim JY, Bayona J, Furin JJ, Shin SS, Farmer PE. (1999). Making
DOTS-Plus work: laboratories, drug procurement, planning and
evaluation. In: The Global Impact of Drug-Resistant
Tuberculosis. Boston, MA: Harvard Medical School and the
Open Society Institute Program in Infectious Disease and Social
C p. 149-68.
Farmer PE, Becerra MC, Kim JY. Conclusions and recommendations.
(1999). In: The Global Impact of Drug-Resistant
Tuberculosis. Boston, MA: Harvard Medical School and the
Open Society Institute Program in Infectious Disease and Social
C p. 169-178.
Becerra MC, Farmer PE, Kim JY. (1999). The problem of
drug-resistant tuberculosis: An overview. In: The Global
Impact of Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis. Boston, MA: Harvard
Medical School and the Open Society Institute Program in Infectious
Disease and Social C p. 1-38.
Editorials
Jain S, Kim JY. (2008). Delivering Global Health. Student
British Medical Journal; 16:27.
Panjabi R, Rajkumar R, Kim JY. (2008). Universities have a Key
Role in Global Access to Medicines. The Chronicle of Higher
Education; 54(24): A32.
Kim JY. (2007). A lifelong battle against disease. U.S.
News and World Report; 143(18):62-4.
Kim JY. (2006). Unexpected political immunity to AIDS.
Lancet; 368: 441-2.
Kim JY, Farmer P. (2006). AIDS in 2006—Moving toward one world,
one hope? New England Journal of Medicine; 355(7):
Kim JY. (November 23, 2005). How to Turn The Corner on AIDS.
Washington Post; A19.
Kim JY. ( days and counting. IAPAC
Monthly; 10(8):273-5.
Kim J, Gilks C. (2005). Scaling Up Treatment — Why We Can't
Wait. New England Journal of Medicine; 353(22):
Kim JY. (2004). HIV/AIDS in the Eastern Mediterranean: a false
immunity? Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal;
8(6):684-8.
Mukherjee JS, Farmer PE, Niyizonkiza D, McCorkle L,
Vanderwarker C, Teixeira P, Kim JY. (2003) Tackling HIV in resource
poor countries. British Medical Journal;
327:1104-6.
Kim JY, Mukherjee JS, Rich ML, Mate K, Bayona J, Becerra MC.
(2003). From multidrug-resistant tuberculosis to DOTS expansion and
beyond: Making the most of a paradigm shift.
Tuberculosis; 83:59-65.
Irwin A, Millen J, Kim J, Gershman J, Schoepf BG, Farmer P.
(2002). Suffering, moral claims, and scholarly responsibility: A
response to Leslie Butt. Medical Anthropology; 21:
Kim JY, Mitnick C, Bayona J, Blank R, Nardell E, Mukherjee J,
Rich M, Farmer P, Becerra M, Murray M. (2002). Examining
assumptions about multi-drug resistant TB control. [Round table
response] Bulletin of the World Health Organization;
80(6):498-9.
Farmer, PE, Kim JY. (2000). Resurgent TB in Russia: do we know
enough to act? [response to Coker R. ‘Extrapolitis’: A disease more
threatening than TB in Russia? 10(2):148-149] European
Journal of Public Health; 10(2):150-2.
Farmer PE, Bayona J, Becerra MC, Furin J, Henry C, Hiatt H, Kim
JY, Mitnick C, Nardell E, Shin S. (1999). DOTS plus strategy in
resource-poor countries. [response to Espinal MA, Dye C, Raviglione
MC, Kochi A. Rational ‘DOTSPlus” for the control of MDR-TB.
International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung
Disease. ):561-563] International Journal of
Tuberculosis and Lung D 3(9):844.
Farmer PE, Furin JJ, Bayona J, Becerra MC, Henry C, Hiatt H,
Kim JY, Mitnick CD, Nardell E, Shin SS. (1999). Management of
MDR-TB in resource-poor countries. International Journal of
Tuberculosis and Lung Disease; 3(8):643-5.
Farmer PE, Bayona J, Becerra MC, Furin J, Henry C, Hiatt H, Kim
JY, Mitnick CD, Nardell E, Shin S. (1998). The dilemma of MDR-TB in
the global era. International Journal of Tuberculosis and
Lung Disease; 2(11):869-76.
Books, Monographs, and Text books
Kim JY, Millen JV, A Irwin, J Gershman (eds.). (2000).
Dying for Growth: Global Inequality and the Health of the
Poor. Monroe, ME: Common Courage Press.
Program in Infectious Disease and Social Change. (1999).
The Global Impact of Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis.
Boston, MA: Harvard Medical School and the Open Society
Institute.
Courses Taught
Introduction to Social Medicine and Global Health
The Social Roots of Health and Disease
Poverty, Culture, and Infectious Disease
Medicine, Human Rights, and the Physician
International Medicine
Cross Cultural Health Care: Latino/Latin American
Perspectives
Introduction to Global Health Care Delivery
Health, Culture, and Community: Case Studies in Global
Culture, Illness, and Healing
The Asian American Experience in Perspective
The Human Adventure
Awards and Honors
William Rogers Award for Service to Society, Brown University
Alumni Association
Arnold Drapkin, MD Memorial Lectureship, Mt. Sinai School of
Distinguished Leadership Award, Korean American Coalition
Muscatine High School Hall of Honor, Muscatine Community School
Foundation
Treatment Action Group “Research in Action” Award
Member, “The Time 100”, TIME Magazine
Member, “America’s Best Leaders”, U.S. News &
World Report
Member, Institute of Medicine of the National Academy of
Sciences (USA)
“Who’s Next: Faces to Watch”, Newsweek International
MacArthur “Genius” Fellowship
Harvard Medical Institute Award for Excellence in Biomedical
Dean’s Community Service Award, Harvard Medical School
Harvard Project on International Health and Development award
for significant contributions in advancing global health
State University of New York, Distinguished Korean-American
Social Science Research Council, Postdoctoral Fellowship
Kellogg National Fellowship Program, Group XIV Fellow
Dunne Award for Patient Care, Brigham and Women’s Hospital
MacArthur Foundation, Postdoctoral Fellowship
International Cultural Society of Korea, Predoctoral
Fellowship
Fulbright-Hayes, Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad
Fellowship
Social Science Research Council Dissertation Research
Fellowship
Harvard University, Department of Anthropology Summer Travel
Fellowship
MacArthur Foundation, M.D.-Ph.D. Fellowship
SmithKline-Beecham, Medical Perspectives Fellowship
University of Iowa, Department of Engineering Honor
Scholarship
Memberships in Professional Societies
1999-Present
Critical Anthropology of Health Working Group
1997-Present
International Union Against Tuberculosis & Lung
1996-Present
Society for Latin American Anthropology
1986-Present
Society for Medical Anthropology
1984-Present
American Anthropological Association
U.S. Secretary Clinton
on 40 Years of U.S.-China Relations
美国国务卿希拉里克林顿
纪念尼克松访华40周年讲话
Thank you. Thank you all very much.
Thank you. I am so honored to be here to join you in celebrating
the 40th anniversary of President Nixon’s extraordinary trip to
谢谢。非常感谢大家。谢谢。我很荣幸能在这里和你们一起纪念尼克松总统非凡的中国之行40周年。
And I want to thank everyone at the
U.S. Institute of Peace, especially Richard Solomon, who knows
China well from his days as Policy Planning Director and Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asia. And it’s a special delight,
Richard, to be visiting this beautiful building for the first time.
And Tara, I want to thank you and if the Senate so agrees, we are
very much looking forward to Tara joining us at the State
Department. So thank you so very much.
我想感谢美国和平研究所的每一位人士，尤其是理查德·所罗门（Richard
Solomon），他当年担任政策规划主任（Policy Planning
Director）和主管东亚事务的助理国务卿（Assistant Secretary of State for East
Asia），对中国了如指掌。特别令人高兴的是，理查德，这是我第一次来到这座漂亮的建筑。塔拉（Tara），我要感谢你，如果参议院批准的话，我们都非常期待塔拉到国务院来加入我们的行列。因此，非常感谢你。
I also particularly want to recognize
all the members of the Nixon-Cox families. And Tricia, thank you,
because you’ there is a bond that is hard to
describe to those who have not lived through the incredible honor
and challenge of being part of a first family. But I have such
great appreciation for what you and your sister have done that has
really bestowed great honor on your parents. And this is not only
the anniversary of your father’s trip to China but also of your
mother’s, and I think that is worth reminding us.
我还要特别提到尼克松-考克斯（Nixon-Cox）家族的所有成员。还有特里希亚（Tricia），谢谢你，因为你绝对正确；对于那些没有经历过作为第一家庭成员的非同寻常的荣耀和挑战的人，很难清楚地解释这层密切的关系。但我非常感谢你和你妹妹所做的努力，真正地为你们的父母带来了崇高的荣誉。这不仅是你父亲中国之行的纪念日，而且这也属于你母亲，我认为这值得我们纪念。
I want to thank Ron Walker and everyone
with the Richard Nixon Foundation, the members of Congress,
ambassadors who have joined us, including the Chinese ambassador to
the United States, Ambassador Zhang. Thank you so much for being
我要感谢在座的罗恩·沃克（Ron
Walker）和理查德·尼克松基金会（Richard Nixon
Foundation）的所有人员，以及在座的各位国会议员和各位大使，包括中国驻美国大使张业遂。非常感谢各位的光临。
The events of that remarkable week in
1972 have been studied, analyzed, debated, reenacted on stage and
screen, even commemorated in song. And yet, there is still more to
be said about that journey to Beijing and the relationship it set
into motion—and how we, who are the great beneficiaries of that
work 40 years ago, are cultivating the relationship so it meets the
challenges and seizes the opportunities of this time.
1972年那个不平凡的一周所发生的事情得到了研究、分析和讨论，被搬上了舞台和屏幕，甚至被编入歌曲传唱。然而，我们仍可以讲述很多有关那次北京之行及其开启的这种关系的情况——以及我们作为40年前这一努力的最大受益者如何培育这种关系，使之迎接挑战并抓住这个时代的机遇。
And I want to begin by saluting all who
contributed to President Nixon’s journey, to all the subsequent
milestones in the U.S.-China relationship. And I know that during
the day you have been fortunate in hearing from some of the master
architects of those early years, including Henry Kissinger, who
extended that first handshake to Zhou Enlai in 1971 and continues
to speak and write eloquently about C Zbig Brzezinski,
who oversaw the normalization of relations during the Carter
A Brent Scowcroft, who I see there appropriately in
the front row, who skillfully managed the tumultuous period during
the Tiananmen S Win Lord, the young note taker at
the Nixon meetings who later became our ambassador to China.
首先，我想对为尼克松总统的这次访问以及后来美中关系发展进程中的一个个里程碑做出贡献的所有人士表示敬意。而且我知道，在那些日子里，你们有幸听到早年那些战略大师的话，其中包括：亨利·基辛格（Henry
Kissinger），他1971年与周恩来有过第一次握手，并仍在以雄辩的演说和文字畅谈今天的中国；兹比格·布热津斯基（Zbig
Brzezinski），他曾在卡特政府任内负责处理关系正常化事务；布伦特·斯考克罗夫特（Brent
Scowcroft），我看到他理所应当地坐在前排，他很有策略地应对了天安门广场抗议期间的动荡阶段；温斯顿·洛德（Winston
Lord），他在尼克松举行会谈时是一位年轻的记录员，后来成为我们的驻华大使。
I also salute the Foreign Service
officers and civil servants who worked behind the scenes. I’ve
learned a lot about that as Secretary of State. Those of us who are
out front are only out front because of all the work that has been
done to lay the groundwork. And for that trip in particular, I want
to recognize Stape Roy, one of the renowned “missionary kids” who
Jeff Bader, who went to China in 1981
and became a caretaker of our China policy for the next three
Chas Freeman, the interpreter for President Nixon’s talks
with Mao who later became our deputy chief of mission in
我也向在幕后工作的外交人员和文职人员致敬。作为国务卿，我在这方面学到了很多。我们这些站在最前沿的人，之所以能站在最前沿是因为已完成的各项工作为我们​​打好了基础。具体到那次访问，我要提到芮效俭（Stape
Roy），这个著名的“传教士之子”，后来担任了大使；杰夫·贝德（Jeff
Bader），他1981年去过中国，并在随后的30年中成为我们对华政策的守护者；傅立民（Chas
Freeman），他在尼克松总统与毛泽东会谈时担任翻译，后来成为我们驻北京使团的副团长。
There are those who aren’t with
us—including Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who was the youngest
ever Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific
A Jim Lilley, who expertly served as our ambassador to China
during the challenging events of 1989 and after.
还有那些已经辞世的人，包括理查德·霍尔布鲁克（Richard
Holbrooke），他在成为主管东亚和太平洋事务的助理国务卿时是有史以来担任此职的最年轻的一位；李洁明（Jim
Lilley），他在1989年以及那以后种种富有挑战性的事件中出色地履行了我国驻中国大使的职责。
And the journalists who traveled with
President Nixon and covered every angle of his time there,
including Ted Koppel, who I see in the audience. Thanks to them,
people across our country were able to follow President Nixon at
every step.
此外还有曾与尼克松总统同行并在他访问期间从各个角度进行报道的新闻记者，其中包括特德·科佩尔（Ted
Koppel），我看到他也在座。多亏了他们，我国各地的人们才能跟上尼克松总统的每一步行程。
Now, I was a law student in 1972. I was
a poor law student. I did not own a television set. But I was not
about to miss history being made, so I rented one & a portable
model with those rabbit ears. I lugged it back to my apartment and
tuned in every night to watch scenes of a country that had been
blocked from view for my entire life. Like many Americans, I was
riveted and proud of what we were accomplishing through our
president.
1972年，我还是一名法学院学生。我是一个学法律的穷学生。我买不起电视机。但我不想错过创造历史的事件，所以我就租了一台——那种竖着“兔子耳朵”的便携式电视机。我把它搬回我的公寓，每天晚上收看电视，看到一个我有生以来一度被隔离在视线以外的国家的一幕幕景象。和许多美国人一样，我目不转睛地观看，为我们藉由我们的总统所取得的成就而感到自豪。
President Nixon called it “the week
that changed the world.” Well, if anything, that turned out to be
an understatement.
尼克松总统称之为“改变了世界的一周”（the week that
changed the world）。但其实这句话仍嫌过轻。
Then, the People’s Republic of China
was profoundly isolated. Poverty was pervasive. The Cultural
Revolution had banished nearly all foreigners, as well as foreign
businesses, foreign books, even foreign ideas. When President
Nixon’s motorcade drove through Beijing, the American delegation
noted how eerily silent the city was. Now there were people
everywhere, but there was hardly a sound.
当时，中华人民共和国极为孤立。贫困现象随处可见。文化大革命将几乎所有的外国人以及外国公司、外国书籍甚至外国思想拒之门外。当尼克松总统的车队在北京行进时，美国代表团注意到这座城市安静得令人发毛。当时到处都有人群，但几乎无声无息。
Yet within a few short decades, China
has become the second largest economy in the world. Hundreds of
millions of Chinese have been lifted out of poverty and have joined
the global economy. Beijing, Shanghai and other cities have turned
into noisy, fast-paced, 24-hour centers of commerce and culture.
The 2008 Olympics and the 2010 Expo were very successful coming out
parties. And China, a rising geopolitical power, has a seat at
virtually every table and a role in virtually every institution of
importance in the world.
然而在短短几十年内，中国已成为全世界第二大经济体。亿万中国人民已摆脱贫困并参与全球经济。北京、上海及其他城市已变成喧闹的、快节奏的、全天候的商业和文化中心。2008年奥运会和2010年世博会都是非常成功的展示会。而且中国，作为一个正在崛起的地缘政治大国，在几乎每一张会议桌前都有一席之地，在全世界几乎每一个重要的机构中都发挥着作用。
So there is no doubt that the China of
today is a very different country from the China of 1972. Now that
transformation is due, first and foremost, to the hard work and
determination of the Chinese people and their leaders. It was
encouraged, however, by people around the world who supported and
invested in their progress. And it can also be traced back in a
straight line to that week 40 years ago.
因此，毫无疑问的是，今天的中国与1972年的中国完全不同。这种转变首先归功于中国人民及其领导人的艰苦努力和坚定意志，但也得到对他们的进步给于支持和襄助的全世界人民的鼓励，同时还可直接追溯到40年前的那一个星期。
Before Air Force One was wheels down in
Beijing, China was firmly on the outside of the international
order. That visit was the start of China coming in. And since then,
China has worked to move beyond its isolation of that time to
engage more cooperatively with other nations, and those efforts
have delivered great benefits to the Chinese people. And now,
completing that journey is essential if China is to cement its
newfound standing and build upon the extraordinary gains it has
“空军一号”（Air Force
One）在北京降落之前，中国完全处于国际秩序之外。那次访问是中国参与的开端。从那以后，中国努力走出当时的孤立处境，以更合作的态度同其他国家交往。这些努力已给中国人民带来巨大的惠益。现在，完成这个进程对于中国巩固其新获得的地位并推进已取得的杰出成就至关重要。
Whether it does has profound
implications, not only for China, but for the United States and the
world. Because it’s not just China that’s been transformed during
the past 40 the U.S.-China relationship has as well.
中国能否这样做，将产生深远影响，不仅关系到中国，而且关系到美国及整个世界。因为40年来，不仅中国改变了面貌，美中关系也焕然一新。
In 1972, our countries were connected
only through a narrow official channel & one member of government
talking to another. Today, the web of connections linking our
nations is vast and complex, and reaches into just about every
aspect of our societies. Our economies are tightly entwined. And so
is our security. We face shared threats like nuclear proliferation,
piracy, and climate change, and we need each other to solve these
problems. The opportunities before us are also shared, and they
define our relationship much more than the threats. So therefore,
we have the chance, if we seize it, to work together to advance
prosperity, pursue innovation, and improve the lives of our people
and others worldwide.
1972年，连接我们两国的只有一个狭窄的官方渠道——一名政府官员同另一名官员对话。今天，连接我们两国的种种关系构成的网络是巨大和多种多样的，涉及我们两国社会的方方面面。我们两国的经济密切相连。我们两国的安全也是如此。我们都面临着核扩散、盗版和气候变化等共同威胁，而且都需要对方的合作来解决这些问题。我们也面临着共同的机遇，机遇为决定我们两国关系发挥的作用远远大于威胁。因此，我们拥有这样的机会，如果我们抓住它，就能共同努力促进繁荣、推动创新并改善我们两国人民及全世界人民的生活。
Now when I say “we,” I do not mean only
our governments, as important as they are. Every day, across both
of our countries, executives and entrepreneurs, scientists and
scholars, artists and athletes, students and teachers, family
members and citizens of all kinds shape and pull and add to this
relationship. Together, they represent a vast range of priorities,
concerns, and points of view. And they are all stakeholders in how
we build toward a shared future. Engaging their talents, ideas and
energies makes the U.S.-China relationship far deeper and more
durable than anything our governments could do on our own.
我所说的“我们”不仅包括我们两国政府，尽管政府是非常重要的。每一天，在我们两国的各个地方，管理人员和企业家、科学家和学者、艺术家和运动员、学生和教师、家庭成员以及各行各业的公民都在打造、推动并丰富双方的关系。这一切汇集起来就反映了范围极其广泛的各种重点议题、关注和观点。而且他们都与我们如何建设一个共同的未来利害攸关。发挥他们的才干、创意和能量将使美中关系更加深入、更加持久，远远超出两国政府单凭自己的力量所能做到的。
It’s like that television I rented in
1972. Back then, we had just a few channels to choose from. In
fact, as I vaguely remember, we had three broadcast channels and I
guess by that time, we might have had public broadcasting, although
I’m not quite sure. Today, there are something like 900 channels
and more to come. The channels between China and us have multiplied
at an astronomical rate.
就像我1972年租用的那台电视机。那时只有为数不多的几个频道可供我们选择。事实上，我隐约记得，当时我们有3个电视频道，我想那时候我们可能已经有了公共电视台，但我不能肯定。如今，电视频道多达900多个，而且还在增加。中国和我们之间的各种渠道也在以惊人的速度增长。
But there are challenges that come with
a relationship this consequential and this personal to so many. It
does get bound up in our domestic politics, yes, in both countries.
The United States and China both have politics, you know. People’s
voices are heard in ways they weren’t or couldn’t have been heard
in years past. This political dimension presents complications for
both sides, which makes it that much more important that we ensure
our partnership delivers results.
但随之而来的也会有种种挑战，因为这种关系对许多人而言影响如此重大、如此切身。它的确会与我们国内政治有关联，是的，在两个国家都是如此。你们知道，美国和中国都搞政治。现在人民发表意见的方式是在过去的年月不存在或不可能的。这个政治层面给双方都带来了复杂因素，也使我们确保我们的伙伴关系取得成效变得更重要。
All this adds up to a very different
kind of relationship than the one we had. We’ve gone from being two
nations with hardly any ties to speak of, little bearing on each
other, to being thoroughly, inescapably interdependent. For two
nations with long traditions of independence, deeply rooted in our
cultures and our histories, these are unusual circumstances to say
the least. They require adjustments in our thinking and our
actions, on both sides of the Pacific. And so, how do we respond to
what is not just a new challenge to our two countries, but I would
argue, an unprecedented challenge in history?
所有这些给我们合成了一种与过去不同的关系。我们两国从几乎无任何关系可言、彼此几乎毫不相干，变成完全地、无法避免地相互依赖。对于两个拥有悠久的独立传统和各自深厚的文化与历史根基的国家来说，这种情形至少可以说非同寻常，需要太平洋两岸都对思维和行为方式作出调整。因此，我们应该如何就不仅我们两国所面临的新挑战，而且可说是历史上前所未有的挑战，作出反应呢？
Back in 1972, the U.S.-China project
was, in many ways, a signature 20th century diplomatic endeavor
embedded in the context of the Cold War, focused on establishing
official ties and laying the groundwork for peaceful engagement,
and building a basic understanding of each other. Well, the
U.S.-China project of 2012 is something
indeed, it is unprecedented in the history of nations. The United
States is attempting to work with a rising power to foster its rise
as an active contributor to global security, stability and
prosperity while also sustaining and securing American leadership
in a changing world. And we are trying to do this without entering
into unhealthy competition, rivalry, without scoring
points at each other’s expense and thereby souring the
and without falling short on our responsibilities to
the international community. We are, together, building a model in
which we strike a stable and mutually acceptable balance between
cooperation and competition. This is uncharted territory. And we
have to get it right, because so much depends on it.
1972年时，美中关系课题从许多方面来说，是深植于冷战环境中的一个典型的20世纪外交行动，注重于建立正式关系，为和平交往奠定基础，并建立起基本的相互理解。而2012年的美中关系课题已完全不同。确实，它在世界国家历史上前所未有。美国在力求与一个正在崛起的大国共同努力，力促其发展成对全球安全、稳定和繁荣作出积极贡献的国家，同时也维持和巩固美国在日益变化中的世界的领导地位。而且，我们在这样做的过程中努力避免陷入不健康的竞争、对抗或冲突；避免以牺牲他方利益进而损害相互关系作为成功的代价；并且做到不疏于履行我们对于国际社会的责任。我们在共同树立典范，力争在合作和竞争之间达到一种稳定和彼此都能接受的平衡。这是没有先例的做法。我们必须将它处理好，因为此举攸关重大。
After three years of intensive
engagement, and the successes and frustrations that have come with
it, we are clear-eyed about the obstacles that still remain. There
are, understandably so, difficult questions that we must answer,
and misconceptions we must address. For example, here in the United
States and elsewhere in the world, there are those who make the
case & maybe it was made today & that a rising China signals bad
news, that as China grows more prosperous and wields greater
international power, our relationship will automatically turn
adversarial, or the United States will inevitably experience
decline as a result. Now meanwhile, some in China fear that the
United States is determined to contain their rise and limit their
progress to advance our interests at their expense.
经过三年的密集接触以及其中的成功与挫折，我们对仍然存在的障碍已一目了然。可以理解，仍然存在着我们必须回答的问题和我们必须处理的误解。例如，在美国和世界其他地方，有些人提出——或许今天有人提出过——中国的崛起是坏消息，认为随着中国更加繁荣和在国际上有更大的发言权，我们的关系将自然转向对抗，或者，美国将因此而无可避免地走向衰退。与此同时，在中国也有些人担忧，美国决意要遏阻他们的崛起、限制他们的进步，以牺牲他们的利益为代价来推进我们的利益。
And there still remains suspicion and
mistrust of the other’s intentions, particularly in the military
realm. As Dr. Kissinger recently wrote in Foreign Affairs, “Both
sides must understand the nuances by which apparently traditional
and apparently reasonable courses can evoke the deepest worries in
each other.” We must address this head-on and constructively by
creating a framework for building trust over time. That means
returning to first principles of the relationship: There is no
intrinsic contradiction between supporting a rising China and
advancing America’s interests. A thriving China is good for
America, and a thriving America is good for China.
对于对方的意图仍然存在着猜忌和不信任，尤其是在军事领域。正如基辛格博士（Dr.
Kissinger）最近在《外交事务》（Foreign
Affairs）杂志中所述，“双方必须懂得，由于一些微妙的因素，某些显然是传统的、合理的做法也有可能在双方之间引起极深的忧虑。”我们必须通过逐渐形成一个建立信任的框架，以直接和富于建设性的方式解决这个问题。这就意味着要回归两国关系的首要原则：在支持正在崛起的中国与增进美国利益之间并无本质矛盾。一个蒸蒸日上的中国对美国有利，一个蒸蒸日上的美国对中国有利。
That’s why we helped break China’s
isolation in 1972, and it’s why, for more than 60 years, we have
underwritten regional peace and security that helped make room for
China’s extraordina we have championed China’s
inclusion in international fora like the WTO; we have elevated the
G-20 as a forum for international engagement, in part because China
pl at Copenhagen and subsequent climate
summits, we made cooperation with C on issue after
issue, we have not only welcomed, we have advocated for China’s
participation and we have called for its leadership.
正因为如此，我们在1972年帮助中国摆脱孤立，正因为如此，我们60多年来为该地区的和平与安全给予保障，为中国卓越的经济发展创造了条件；我们支持把中国纳入世界贸易组织（WTO）等国际性组织；我们把20国集团（G-20）提升为国际交往论坛，部分原因就是因为中国在其中所发挥的关键作用；在哥本哈根（Copenhagen）及其后续气候会议中，我们把与中国合作作为一个重点；在一个又一个问题上，我们不仅欢迎而且大力支持中国的参与，我们还呼吁它发挥领导作用。
So to those who ask, “Is the United
States attempting to contain China?” Our answer is a clear no. In
fact, the United States helped pave the way for China to be where
it is today in its own development. We are a country that welcomes
others’ success, because we believe that it’s good for everyone
when people anywhere are able to work their way to better lives. If
China’s rise means that we have an increasingly capable and engaged
partner, that’s good news for us. And we will seize every chance to
engage, because we’re not a country that sits on our lead. We’re a
country with confidence in our own standing and in our ability to
compete and succeed.
因此，对于那些怀疑“美国是否试图遏制中国？”的人们，我们给予明确的否定回答。事实上，我们为中国自身发展到今天铺平了道路。我们是一个欢迎他国成功的国家，因为我们相信，当任何地方的人都能够通过自己的努力改善他们的生活时，这对所有人都有益。如果中国的崛起意味着我们将有一个越来越有能力和参与的合作伙伴，那对我们是好消息。我们将抓住一切机会进行接触交往，因为我们的国家不是一个要自己坐享领先地位的国家。我们是一个对我们的地位和我们能够通过竞争取得成功有自信的国家。
The choices that America has made
diplomatically, economically, and strategically reflect that
fundamental belief. But of course, to say that a thriving China is
good for America, and vice versa, is not the end of the story,
because as we all know, there are different ways for countries to
get ahead. And for China, for everyone, success must be achieved
that is not at the expense of others, but in a way
that contributes to the regional and global good.
美国所做的外交、经济和战略选择反映了这一根本的信念。当然，说一个兴旺发达的中国有益于美国，或者反之亦然，并不意味着万事大吉，因为如我们大家所知，各国寻求发展有不同的方式。对于中国，对于任何国家，成功必须以负责任的方式去实现；即不是由他人承担代价，而是以有助于地区和全球利益的方式去实现。
And this is where China has its own
choices to make. Its power, wealth, and influence have pushed it
rapidly to a new echelon in the international order. What China
says and does reverberates around the globe, and simply by changing
itself, China affects the world around it. At the same time, it is
still working on its great economic mission, bringing development
to millions more of the Chinese people. My Chinese counterparts
often talk to me in passionate terms about how far their country
still has to go. So China is faced with the complicated task of
balancing the demands of development with its responsibilities as
an emerging global power, or as my Chinese friends sometimes say, a
reemerging global power, because of course China has hundreds,
thousands of years of history as an influential nation and
正是在这个方面中国要做出选择。中国的力量、财富和影响将它迅速推到了国际秩序中的一个新行列。中国的语言和行动会在全球各地引起反响；哪怕是仅仅改变自身，中国也会对它周边的环境产生影响。同时，中国仍然在建设经济的宏伟大业，把发展带给千百万更多的中国人。我的中国同行经常充满激情地谈起他们的国家还有很长的道路要走。因此，中国面临着在发展的需要和它作为一个新兴全球大国所承担的责任之间取得平衡的复杂任务。或如我的中国朋友有时所说的那样，中国是一个重新崛起的全球大国，当然，这是因为中国是一个有着几百年、几千年巨大影响的国家和文化。
And I’ve pointed out to my counterparts
China’s response at times has been to seek to have it at both ways,
acting like what I call a selective stakeholder. In some forums, on
some issues, China wants to be trea in others,
as a developing nation. That’s perfectly understandable, because
China has attributes of both. Nonetheless, the world is looking for
China to play a role that is commensurate with its new standing.
And that means it can no longer be a selective stakeholder.
我向我的同行指出，中国的回应有时是力求两者兼得,我把这种做法称为有选择的利益相关者。在某些论坛中，在某些议题上，中国希望被当作一个大国来对待；而在另一些方面，则希望被当作一个发展中国家。这完全可以理解，因为中国具有这两者的性质。但是，世界期待中国发挥一种与其新地位相称的作用。这意味着它不能够继续做一个有选择的利益相关者。
Now, I’m well aware that debates about
the rise of China and other emerging powers, and they usually start
and too often stop with people simply saying, “With great power
comes great responsibility” & I think that is a quote from the
movie Spiderman, if I remember & (laughter) & and just leaving it
at that. Well, it is worth pushing ourselves further on what this
really means in action on a pragmatic, day-to-day basis.
我很清楚有关中国和其他新兴大国的崛起的讨论，讨论通常这样开始并往往以同样方式结束，人们只是说：“伴随强大的影响力而来的是重大的责任”——我想，如果我没记错的话，这句话来自电影《蜘蛛侠》（Spiderman）（笑声）——然后就此作罢。但是，我们必须督促自己，把这句话化作每一天的实际行动。
Well, for starters, the link between
power and responsibility is built into the logic of global
politics. As countries become more powerful, their stake in the
success of the international system naturally rises, because they
have more to lose when that system fails. At the same time, the
world’s expectations of them naturally rise as well, because they
have more to contribute to strengthen the system. But more than
this, it is understandable that the international community wants
some confidence that a country’s growing power will be used for the
benefit of all. And given the historic challenges to security and
stability posed by rising powers, they do have a special obligation
to demonstrate in concrete ways that they are going to pursue a
constructive path. This is particularly true for a country that has
grown as rapidly and as dramatically as China has.
简单地说，全球政治的逻辑中即包含了影响力与责任之间的联系。随着国家变得日益强大，国际体系是否成功对其产生的影响也就自然增大，因为如果这个体系失败，它们的损失会更大。同时，世界对它们的期待也自然会更高，因为它们可以为加强这个体系做出更大贡献。但是，比这更重要的是，国际社会希望能够确信，一个国家日益增强的力量将被用来造福所有的人，这不难理解。鉴于崛起中的国家对安全和稳定带来的历史性挑战，它们因此有着特殊的义务以具体实在的方式表明，它们将选择具有建设意义的道路。这对于像中国这样一个取得令人瞩目的迅速增长的国家来说尤其如此。
Ultimately, because emerging powers
have such a large and growing impact, allowing them to selectively
pick and choose elements of the rules-based international system
that may on a short-term basis suit their interests would render
the system unworkable. And that would end up impoverishing
everyone. Having said that, the international system is not static.
Rules and institutions designed for an earlier age may not be
suited to today. So we need to work together to adapt and update
them. Indeed, we have already begun that work. On issues like trade
and climate, efforts to develop new norms and mechanisms are well
underway. We have no interest in holding onto elements of the
system that have become irrelevant, or unsuited to the challenges
of our time, or that work only to benefit some countries and not
others. That would give countries incentives to walk away from
cooperation and go it alone, which would not serve them or us.
由于新兴国家有着如此巨大和日益增长的影响，如果允许它们基于其短期利益有选择地利用基于规则的国际体系，最终将导致这个体系无法运行，从而使大家共同陷入贫困。话虽如此，这一国际体系并不是静态的。为一个较早的历史时期制定的规则和机制不一定适用于今天。因此，我们必须共同努力，修改和更新这些规则和机制。的确，我们已经开始这项工作。在贸易和气候等问题上，制定新的规范和机制的努力已经在进行之中。我们无意对这个体系中已变得不相干、或者不适于应对我们时代的挑战、或只对一些国家有利而对另一些国家不利的部分抱住不放。这会成为国家撇开合作自寻门路的诱因，对它们或对我们都毫无裨益。
But there are principles that we know
work. And we cannot afford to abandon them, like maintaining an
economic order that is open, free, transparent, pursuing
security in a manner that is measured and transparent to avoid
misunderstandings and u and promoting and
protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms, which do reflect
universal values and the inherent dignity of all humankind. China
has already shown increased leadership on some regional and global
issues, like countering piracy and sustaining the global economic
recovery. It has also contributed substantially to UN peacekeeping
missions worldwide, and we applaud these steps. But we do believe
China will have to go further to fully embrace its new role in the
world to give the world confidence that it is going to, not just
today or on one set of issues, but for the long run, play a
positive role that will enhance security, stability, and
prosperity.
但是，我们知道有行之有效的原则。我们不可将它们放弃，如维护开放、自由、透明和公平的经济秩序；以有节制和透明的方式增进安全，从而避免发生误解和不必要的冲突；以及保护人权和基本自由，这些的确代表放之四海的价值和全人类所固有的尊严。中国已经在一些区域和全球问题上展现了更强的领导作用，如打击盗版活动和支持全球经济复苏。中国也对联合国在全球的维和使命作出重要贡献，我们欢迎这些步骤。但是，我们确实认为中国必须进一步充分担当起它在世界上的新角色，让世界相信，中国将不仅在今天，也不仅是在某些问题上，而是将长期地发挥积极作用，促进安全、稳定与繁荣。
So the world is looking to China and
asking questions like these: Will China adapt its foreign policy so
it contributes more to solving regional and global problems to make
it possible for others to succeed as well? Will it use its power to
help end brutal violence against civilians in places like Syria?
Will it explain its military buildup and the ultimate goals of its
military strategies, policies, and programs to relieve unease, to
reassure its neighbors, to avoid misunderstandings, and to
contribute to maintaining regional security? Will it uphold
international maritime laws and norms, which for decades have made
it possible for nations to engage in peaceful trade? Will it work
more vigorously to establish international standards in cyberspace,
so the internet works for everyone and so people in China and
elsewhere can harness its economic and social benefits? And will it
use its economic standing to enforce a rules-based system for
global trade and investment so it can advance its own economic
development while contributing to global growth?
因此，全世界现在正注视着中国，并提出这样一些问题：中国是否会调整它的外交政策，为解决地区和全球问题发挥更大的作用，进而使其他国家也获得成功？中国是否会运用它的力量帮助结束像叙利亚等一些地方的对平民的残酷暴力？中国是否会对它的军备发展以及它的军事战略、方针和项目有所解释，从而消除不安，使邻邦放心，避免误解，并帮助维持地区安全？中国是否会遵守几十年来使国与国之间得以进行和平贸易的国际海事法律和惯例？中国是否会更积极地为确立网络空间的国际标准而努力，从而使人人能够上网，使在中国和其他地方的人都能得到因特网带来的经济和社会效益？中国是否会利用自己的经济地位加强基于规则的全球贸易和投资体系，从而在推进中国自身经济发展的同时，为全球发展作出贡献？
As economic partners, we can make it
possible for more people in both countries to work, trade, invest,
create, and prosper. Whether we do or not depends on how we deal
with some of our differences. China has things it wants, including
more opportunities to invest in the United States, and we have
things we want, including an end to discrimination against U.S.
companies and protection for their i an end to
unfair preference and more opportunities for
American goods, p and of course, an end to
what we see as unfair, distorting currency practices.
作为经济伙伴，我们有可能做到让我们两国有更多人就业、经商、投资、创新和致富。我们能否做到这些，取决于我们如何处理彼此之间的一些分歧。中国有中国希望的东西，包括在美国得到更多的投资机会。我们也有我们希望的东西，包括取消对美国公司的歧视并保护它们的知识产权；取消给予国内公司的不公平优惠；让美国的商品、产品和服务有更多机会，以及结束在我们看来是不公平、扭曲性的货币措施。
We want to engage in more trade and
investment with China, because we believe in the benefits that come
with greater economic activity and healthy competition. But for it
to be healthy, it has to be fair, rules-based and transparent. So
we will continue to work with China to urge it to make reforms, and
we, in turn, will hear and act on those changes it wants from
我们希望同中国有更多的贸易和投资交往，因为我们相信加强经济活动和健康的竞争是有益的。但是，竞争要健康，就必须公平、基于规则和透明。因此，我们将继续与中国一道努力，敦促中国实行改革，相应地，我们也将听取中国希望我们作出的改变并采取行动。
Finally, we do ask, can China meet its
obligations to protect universal human rights and fundamental
freedoms? Now, this is an area in which we have had long and
profound disagreements. And even as our two countries become more
interdependent, the United States will, of course, continue to
stand by our principles and universal standards of human rights.
And we believe that with development comes an opportunity for the
aspirations of people everywhere to express themselves freely,
whether on the Internet, or in a public square, or on the factory
floor. And so like people everywhere, we do believe that the
Chinese people have their own legitimate aspirations, and we do
believe that everyone should have a legal system that is
independent and will protect them from arbitrary action. And we do
believe, not just in China but everywhere, in religious and
linguistic differences, cultural differences being respected.
Reforms that support these goals give people a greater stake in the
success of their nations, which in turn makes societies more
stable, prosperous and peaceful.
最后，我们的确要问，中国能够履行它的职责，保护普遍的人权和基本自由吗？这是一个我们长期存在深刻分歧的领域。即使我们两国变得更加相互依赖，美国无疑仍将坚持我们的原则和普遍适用的人权标准。我们相信，发展会给各地渴望自由表达的人民带来机会，无论是通过因特网，在公共广场，还是在厂房车间。所以，我们确实相信，同所有地方的人一样，中国人民有自己正当的渴求。我们确实相信，人人都应受到独立的司法体制的保护，不遭受专断行为的侵害。我们也确实相信，不仅在中国，而且在所有地方，不同的宗教、语言和不同的文化都应受到尊重。实行支持这些目标的改革将使人民与自己国家的成功更加息息相关，从而带来社会的更大稳定、繁荣与和平。
Now, questions like these are the kind
that we kick around all the time with our Chinese counterparts. And
I personally am very grateful for the open, candid dialogues that
we have been holding for the last three years. We have the greatest
respect for what China has accomplished in 40 years, and we want to
see those accomplishments continue to build into the future.
现在，这一类问题是我们与中方有关人员随时面对的问题。我个人对过去三年来我们之间进行的开放、坦诚的对话感到非常庆幸。我们对中国在40年里取得的成就深怀敬意，并希望今后继续取得这样的成就。
I think that our outreach to China
during the past three years has been a continuation of a bipartisan
tradition that every president since President Nixon has upheld. We
consult on every single i not a day goes by
when our governments are not in touch. In this Administration,
we’ve launched our Strategic and Economic Dialogue and a Strategic
Security Dialogue, and we’ve had intensive discussions on just
about every issue you can imagine, from trade policy to
counterterrorism to human rights to border security. Each of our
countries has hosted multiple high-level visits from the other. Our
presidents have met in person more than 10 times. And later this
year, in May, I’ll make my sixth trip to China as Secretary of
我认为，过去三年来我们与中国的主动接触延续了两党一致的传统，这一传统获得自从尼克松以来历届总统的支持。我们就每一个重大事项进行磋商；两国政府没有一天不在相互联系。本届政府启动了双方的战略与经济对话（Strategic
and Economic Dialogue）和战略安全对话（Strategic Security
Dialogue），我们就几乎你们可以想象的所有问题进行了深入的讨论，包括贸易政策、反恐怖主义、人权、边界安全等等。双方高层领导人多次互访，两国元首会晤十余次。今年晚些时候，在五月，我将再次访问中国，这将是我就任国务卿以来对中国的第六次访问。
All of this effort has taken place
within a larger regional push to strengthen our ties throughout the
Asia Pacific. We’ve enhanced our relationships with our treaty
allies Japan, Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines. We’ve broadened
our relationships with other emerging powers, including India,
Indonesia, Vietnam and Singapore. We’ve strengthened our unofficial
relationship with Taiwan. We’ve reengaged with Burma. We’ve
invested in regional multilateral institutions, including the East
Asia Summit and ASEAN. We’ve increased our economic engagement,
updated our regional military posture and amplified our advocacy
for the rule of law and universal human rights. In short, we are
working around the clock to do everything we can to defend and
advance security and prosperity throughout the Asia Pacific. And
having that positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship
with China is vital to every one of those objectives.
在做出所有这些努力的同时，我们也在广泛加强与整个亚太地区的关系。我们加强了我们与我们的条约盟国日本、韩国、泰国和菲律宾的关系。我们扩大了与其他新兴国家的关系，包括印度、印度尼西亚、越南和新加坡。我们加强了与台湾的非官方关系。我们同缅甸恢复了接触。我们对地区多边机构投入资源，包括东亚峰会（East
Summit）和东盟（ASEAN）。我们增加了经济交往，更新了我们的地区军事态势，加强了我们推动法治和普遍人权的工作。概言之，我们夜以继日地工作，尽一切努力捍卫和增进整个亚太地区的安全与繁荣。与中国发展积极、合作和全面的关系对上述每一项目标都至关重要。
So we are committed to this
partnership. And now, we and others around the world are looking
for even greater leadership from China. China and the United States
cannot solve all the problems of the world together. But without
China and the United States, I doubt that any of our global
problems can be solved. We want China to be a full stakeholder,
embracing its role as a major global player, to helping strengthen
the international system that makes its own and our success
possible. All the while, we will continue to seek every opportunity
for engagement with China, but not just at the
government-to-government level. We will keep discussing our
differences openly, developing as many avenues for cooperation as
we possibly can. In short, we will continue the journey begun by
many in this room 40 years ago.
因此，我们对这一伙伴关系是有承诺的。现在，我们和世界上其他方面正在期待中国发挥更大的领导作用。中美两国不能解决世界上的所有问题，但是我认为，没有中国和美国，任何全球性问题可能都得不到解决。我们希望中国成为一个全面的利益相关者，积极承担它作为一个重要的全球行为者的角色，努力加强中国自身的成功和我们的成功不可或缺的国际体系。在此期间，我们将继续寻求利用每一个机会与中国接触，不仅是在政府层面。我们将继续公开探讨我们的分歧，尽我们所能开发更多合作渠道。总之，我们将继续今天在座的许多人于40年前开启的旅程。
In 1972, when President Nixon
disembarked in Beijing and shook Zhou Enlai’s hand, the premier
said, “Your handshake came over the vastest ocean in the world, 25
years of no communication.” A few days later, President Nixon
toasted his hosts and said, “The Great Wall is a reminder that for
almost a generation there has been a wall between the People’s
Republic of China and the United States of America. In these past
four days we have begun the long process of removing that wall.”
Both sides were taking a risk. But they decided that engagement was
worth it. They knew that if the summit went smoothly, the
conversation between our two countries would continue, and that
would lead to cooperation, and that in time we both would benefit
1972年，当尼克松总统在北京走下飞机和周恩来握手时，中国总理说：“你的手伸过世界最辽阔的海洋来和我握手——25年没有交往了呵！”几天之后，尼克松总统向他的东道主敬酒时说：“长城令我们想到，在几乎一代人的时间里中华人民共和国和美利坚合众国之间有一堵墙。在过去四天里，我们开始了拆除这堵墙的漫长过程。”双方都承担着风险，但他们决定接触是值得的。他们知道，如果这次高峰会晤进展顺利，我们两国之间的对话将继续进行，并可走向合作，最终双方都将从中受益。
That is precisely what has happened.
Nearly everything that China and the United States disagreed about
before that trip, we disagreed about after the trip. But we began a
conversation that has helped us mitigate our differences and
broaden those areas on which we agree. And the result is the
relationship we have today, as consequential and multifaceted as
any in the world.
这正是后来发生的情况。至于在这次访问之前中国和美国存在分歧的每一件事情，访问之后分歧依然存在。但是，我们开启了一场