1:26 pm - May 15th 2013
by Chris Dillow
What function do, or should, left-wing parties serve? I ask this old question because of a
which has drawn my attention to.
Peter Taylor-Gooby points out that, as inequality has risen, attitudes towards the poor and benefit recipients have hardened. He suggests several longer-term reasons for this, among them the decline of class alignment and rise of individualism. I'd add three other factors:
– A mistaken factual base. The public under-estimate bosses' pay and
welfare benefits.
– Recessions usually make people more
– Capitalism generates cognitive (ideologies) that result in hostility to welfare recipients.
As Taylor-Goody says, it doesn't need to be this way: &Alternative approaches that emphasise reciprocity, solidarity and inclusion are possible.&
This poses the question: how do we get to such approaches from where we are? One possibility is to look to a leftist party to argue for them. But there are good reasons to expect the Labour party not to do this. Just as companies' marketing strategies rarely work by telling potential customers they are stupid, so political campaigns rarely do so. This is why Labour panders to some of the worst aspects of public opinion, on or , rather than outrightly opposes it. The Labour party is a managerialist marketing strategy, not a force for truth and justice.
But if Labour is not an agency for radical change, what is? Sure, there are a few bloggers and columnists who are trying to shift the Overton window, but these tend to preach to smallish groups of the already-converted.
This, of course, is not to deny that social attitudes can change. For example, during my lifetime, attitudes to gays has improved considerably. But I fear that this progress has been like Max Planck's view of scientific advance – it has happened one funeral at a time.
And herein lies a paradox of the left. Whilst we have spent decades advocating social change, we have remarkably few answers to the question: through what mechanisms, exactly, can it be achieved?
About the author
Chris Dillow is a regular contributor and former City economist, now an economics writer. He is also the author of . Also at:
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he left home dressed in a smart black suit. 为什么dress用过去分词，如果用ing或者to 行吗，为什么
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不行。只能是ed。be sdressed in
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不行，这里是He lef鼎叮尺顾侔该踌双穿晶t home and he is dressed in ...的常用省略说法，主要省略的是he is
不可以用ing或to。这里表示“穿成。。。的样子”，代表被动，作形容词。如果用ing,则表示正在穿衣的动作。如果用to，表示将要去做的动作，都不符合意思。
dressed表示状态
不行，主句是过去时
这样理解，他是被衣服裹着的，要不然“他穿好衣服了”为什么说“he gets dressed”而不说&he dresses“。这里面包含了一种被动关系
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出门在外也不愁Amherst showing of Unnatural Causes May 19th | Public Health and Social Justice 690FGreece&Could&Shift&to&Left&in&Election_VOA常速英语_VOA
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Greece&Could&Shift&to&Left&in&Election
Greek voters will cast ballots on Sunday to elect a new parliament, with opinion polls indicating they could put a leftist party in power that would take a harder line with the country’s creditors in an effort to end years of austerity and recession.The Greek election campaign has been largely focused on Alexis Tsipras whose enthusiastic supporters have lifted his Syriza party from 5 percent a few years ago to about 30 percent now.“Give us a mandate to rule so we can put an end to the catastrophic bailouts and be able to negotiate," he said. "Vote for stability! Give us the power to take Greece to new levels. Give Syriza the majority!”But Syriza is not likely to win a majority, and may not even emerge as the largest party in parliament. That may be New Democracy, the current coalition leader, headed by Prime Minister Antonis Samaras. And either one of them will likely need a coalition partner ― from the left …from one or two centrist parties …or from the right, or possibly even from the extreme right wing New Dawn party, which is polling up to 6 percent even though its leaders are in jail.The Greek electorate is polarized after years of economic hardship that the major parties have not been able to end, and Syriza has been the major beneficiary, says Professor Spyros Economides of the Hellenic Observatory at the London School of Economics.“It’s more than a protest party," he said. "It’s a party which has grown on the back of a great dissatisfaction with the old establishment parties that ruled Greece for 40 years, and also with a deep dissatisfaction with the current economic and social crisis that Greece finds itself in.”That crisis can be seen on an Athens street, where volunteers provide food for the poor and unemployed. One of them, Constantinos says he doesn't care who gets elected."No matter who gets elected, I will continue to be unemployed, I will continue to not have a single euro in my pocket," he said. "And there are millions like me, half of Greece.”Maria, an unemployed Athens resident, says she won't even go to vote."Why should I? Do any of them care about me? I never knocked on doors begging," she said. "I didn't want to. I can’t even listen to them. I’m not interested.”Scenes like these on Athens streets, and a large vote for a sharp change of direction, could enable a Syriza-led government to get new concessions from creditors, says European affairs expert Ramon Pacheco Pardo of London’s King’s College.“A Syriza government will have a strong hand to play against the European Union," said Pardo. "Any government run by Syriza, either by itself or in coalition, will have the popular mandate and therefore would have leverage.”That is what Greeks need, after years of austerity and recession. But experts say getting concessions won’t be easy. And more frustration could push a Syriza-led government toward extreme steps, like withdrawing from the euro or even from the European Union. It could be a recipe for political instability, which some say would be the worst outcome of all.
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