求求黑客帮忙盗号 谢谢!!!

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2011-07-22 17:12
求帮忙,谢谢
病情描述:
2岁小孩,经常感冒,症状为流鼻涕,咳嗽,偶发烧,医生说是过敏性体质,请问像这种情况是不是要做过敏性测试
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2011-07-22 18:13
宝宝上述情况可以服用转移因子口服液增强抵抗力一试
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声明:在39健康问答平台中所有关于疾病的建议都不能代替执业医师的面对面诊断。医生及网友言论仅代表其个人观点,请谨慎参阅,本站不承担相关法律责任。
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2000-2011 有的请放种.阿里亚多
2010-5-19 23:00
110.255.151.*
米人么- -不给力啊老湿
2010-5-19 23:07
美少年acky
2010-5-19 23:11
110.255.151.*
回复:3楼
我知道片名。谢谢,能有连接么,貌似现在不好找、
2010-5-19 23:14
似乎不好找,坐等老5
2010-5-19 23:16
110.255.151.*
回复:5楼
超爱这一部,很多年前看的了。但是回味无穷啊
2010-5-19 23:18
回复:6楼老5比较行,等他
2010-5-19 23:19
2010-5-19 23:22
110.255.151.*
回复:8楼
我特意截图,就是为了和谐- -
2010-5-19 23:23
回复:4楼
2010-5-19 23:24
恩,不知道有速度么
2010-5-19 23:24
找到了今年2月份的种子
67.220.92.14/ /viewthread.php?tid=2829546&am highlight=%BC%AA%9Bg%C3%F7
2010-5-19 23:24
另外吉沢明歩MAXING公司合集回顾之一[RMVB/4.35G] 也有此片
2010-5-19 23:25
110.255.151.*
米那桑,阿里亚多。
2010-5-19 23:29
还有Rio柚木、吉沢明步、鲇川103部合集里也有,但时间很长了
2010-5-19 23:30
回复:12楼老5是好人
2010-5-19 23:30
回复:15楼
这是不是RIO的那个REN妻的啊
2010-5-19 23:31
姿势青年
回复:17楼
不是太喜欢rio
今天mihiro生日哦。
我穿马甲了- -
2010-5-19 23:35
回复:18楼
你居然有大量马甲
2010-5-19 23:36
混了,你一定是楼主
2010-5-19 23:39
姿势青年
回复:19楼
什么大量马甲?
我是楼主,本来羞涩的匿了,后来决定还是露面吧
2010-5-19 23:39
回复:18楼mihiro拍过一部爱情片,我记得看过预告的。。。。。。叫什么了
2010-5-19 23:40
姿势青年
回复:22楼
你说的哪个?写真很多啊,电视剧也很多啊,纸巾,2 house什么的
2010-5-19 23:40
18L谁?
2010-5-19 23:41
回复:24楼楼主
2010-5-19 23:41
姿势青年
恩恩谢谢两位XX帝
2010-5-19 23:42
回复:26楼XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX
2010-5-19 23:42
姿势青年
回复:27楼
~!@#¥%……&am ((&am ……%¥#
2010-5-19 23:43
回复:28楼 /^\/^\ _|__|
\_/ \ \____|__________/
\ \_______
~-____-~
_-~ ~--______-~
~-___-~
2010-5-19 23:46
姿势青年
回复:29楼
最近糟心的要死。知道mihiro要隐退了吧,其实挺希望她隐退的,可是她这一走,我就空落落的
2010-5-19 23:48
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请点击后输入验证码,加入会员后本吧发贴免验证码。 Ctrl+Enter快捷发表 2011 Baidu求帮忙翻译 谢谢大家明天答辩了 帮帮忙
2010-05-08 14:40:43
来自:
(欧洲 同姐妹 期待中)
Culture and Strategic Management I ues
At one point in the history of technology tra - fer, such tra fers took place primarily among Western natio (i. e., tra fer of technology from Western Europe to the United States and vice versa). However, this is not the case today. In fact, tra fers of technology from the United States to ASEAN (A ociation of South East Asian Natio ) countries and other natio in South America have become important i ues in the 1980s (Marton, 1986; McMillan, 1984). Although the technology tra fers among developed na- tio rely greatly on strategic orientatio of tra - acting organizatio , the tra fers to developing countries depend on the compatibility of the cul- tures of the natio involved in such tra actio . The practice of adopting and implementing West- ern technologies of the proce - and person- embodied types in the context of some of the moderately developing countries has not been a simple case of " orrowing or imitating, as has been suggested in many popular busine per- iodicals. Indeed, a realistic a raisal of techno- logical diffusion strategy should focus on the structure of preferences that exist in the recipient country at the time of tra fer. In addition, such a raisals also should carefully examine the unique strengths and weakne es of variatio in the societal culture, organizational culture, and strategic management practices between the tra acting organizatio in two different natio . The primary unit of analysis is at the level of the organization located in the context of its own so- cietal culture. The unrecognized roles that cul- tural variatio (societal and organizational) play on the tra fer of proce - and person- embodied technologies form the basis of our first proposition. Proposition 1: Proce - and person-embodied technologies are more difficult than product- embodied technologies to tra fer and diffuse acro natio because cultural differences at the organizational, as well as the societal, level play greater roles in such tra fers. Once the importance of cultural variatio on proce - and person-embodied technologies is recognized, as emphasized in Proposition 1, it should be noted that technology tra fers acro national boundaries are predominantly orches- trated and managed by organizatio seeking economies of scale and other strategic busine advantages. Careful attention should be given to the compatibility of cultures of the organiza- tio involved and compatibility of the societal culture. First, we delineate the moderating role of societal cultural-based differences and com- patibility between the tra acting organizatio .
Compatibility of Societal Cultures
Even though the influences of cultural varia- tio have been recognized (Marton, 1986; McMillan, 1984), we did not discover in our re- view any ecific theoretical analysis or empiri- cal studies that rigorously underscore the impor- tance of cultural variatio acro natio . What exists in the literature is an implicit recognition of the importance of the societal culture of the developing country as a major determinant of the effectivene of technology tra fers (e.g., Koizumi, 1982). Needle to say, the culture of the society to which technology is being exported makes a significant difference. But so does the culture from which the technology is being imported-a point that has remained surprisingly unrecognized in the literature. In the conceptual model, we have incorporated the work of Hofstede (1980) and Gle and Gle (1981) in order to advance research propositio that en- able us to better understand the proce of tech- nology tra fers in the context of cultural differ- ences between the tra acting organizatio and natio involved. Although there are other rele- vant dime io of cultural variatio , such as McClelland and Winter's (1969) analysis, that might be potentially useful, we find the four dime io of Hofstede and the one dime ion of Gle and Gle to be particularly suited for developing our present analysis and for suggest- ing the propositio on effectivene of technol- ogy tra fer acro natio . Such effectivene depends on cultural compatibility between the two natio . According to Hofstede (1980), na- tional cultures can be ma ed according to their fit into a four-dime ional framework of (a) weak versus strong uncertainty avoidance, (b) indivi- dualism versus collectivism, (c) small versus large power distance, and (d) masculinity ver- sus femininity. With uncertainty avoidance, we are concerned with the extent to which people in a society feel the need to avoid ambiguous situatio and the extent to which they try to manage these situa- tio by providing explicit and formal rules and regulatio , by rejecting novel ideas, and by ac- cepting the existence of a olute truths and superordinate goals in the context of work organizatio . In Hofstede's (1980) study, the high- est scores on uncertainty avoidance were ob-tained for countries such as Greece, Japan, and most of the Catholic countries in Latin America, whereas low scores were obtained for Hong Kong, Singapore, and the Scandinavian coun- tries. With individualism versus collectivism, we are concerned with the relatio hi between individuals and organizatio in a society. At the individualistic end of this dime ion, ties be- tween individuals are, indeed, very loose, and people are su osed to look after their own self- interests in the domai of both work and non- work. At the collectivist end, we find societies in which social ties or bonds between individuals are very tight, and people learn to distinguish between their own ingrou (e.g., immediate relatives, cla , and members of one's organiza- tion) and out-grou (e.g., members from a dif- ferent community or a foreign country or people with whom one has le frequent contact). In individualistic countries, people are i er- directed, whereas in collectivist countries, indi- viduals are more traditional and other-directed. Examples of individualistic countries are the United States, Great Britain, Australia, Canada, and the Netherlands. Colombia, Venezuela, Taiwan, Singapore, Greece, and Mexico are largely collectivistic in their orientation. With the dime ion of power distance, we are concerned with the extent to which le powerful members of a society accept the unequal distri- bution of power and rewards as normal features of their society. Hofstede (1980, 1983) has shown that different cultures po e different distribu- tio of power in their organizational and social hierarchies and that the power distance norm can be used as a criterion for characterizing soci- etal cultures. Ta e aum, Kavcic, Rosher, Viahello, and Wieser (1974), in their analysis of hierarchy in work organizatio in five countries, also found that differences in power are a oci- ated with significant differences in rewards, privileges, and o ortunities among various lev- els of managements. Large power-distance coun- tries include the Phili ines, Mexico, France, Peru, Turkey, Brazil, and India. Small power- distance countries include Austria, Denmark, Sweden, and Israel. With the fourth dime ion, masculinity versus femininity, we are concerned with the extent to which the dominant values in a society empha- size a ertivene , acquisition of money and status, achievement of visible and symbolic or- ganizational rewards (as o osed to an empha- sis on quality of life and other le tangible outcomes). In masculine cultures there are sharp distinctio between a ertive roles that men per- form and service roles that women are expected to fulfill. Hofstede (1983) noted that in a mascu- line society, the public hero is a succe ful achiever, an aggre ive entrepreneur, and that " ig is beautiful (p. 85). In contrast, feminine societies emphasize quality of life, preservation of the environment, helping others, and putting relatio hi before money and achievement. The emphasis is on " mall is beautiful (p. 85). Japan is the most masculine country in the world. Also masculine are the German- eaking coun- tries: West Germany, Austria, and Switzerland. Moderately masculine are a number of Latin countries such as Venezuela, Mexico, and Italy. Some former colonies of Anglo countries also are moderately masculine in character, for ex- ample, India and the Phili ines. The feminine countries are the four Nordic natio , the Nether- lands, and some Mediterranean countries like Yugoslavia. The following four propositio are advanced to reflect the importance of these four distinct cultural variatio . Proposition 2: Tra fer of technology is easier between two organizatio that are similar in terms of their societal/national culture-based tendencies to either avoid or embrace uncer- tainty generated in their organizational contexts due to such tra fers. Proposition 3: Technologies that might introduce significant changes in the distributio of power, status (real and symbolic), and rewards in the recipient organization of the developing coun- try that emphasizes power distance are least likely to be effectively tra ferred. Knowledge disavowal (Zaltman, 1983) would be fairly common in the organizatio of these high power-distance countries de ite the factthat the long-term economic implicatio of such tra fers are positive. Knowledge disavowal re- flects the tendency to selectively ignore informa- tion that might cause important structural as well as programmatic changes in the recipient organization. In India, for example, de ite the existence of a rather sophisticated system of tech- nical core and educated perso el, the owner- ship structure of Indian industry strongly influ- ences the a orption of technology. The impact of regulatory policies and stringent laws on the acquisition and a orption of foreign technol- ogy by both public- and private-sector compa- nies makes it difficult to introduce technologies that might affect traditional management and control-related proce es (Palhan, 1985). Individualistic countries generally are more effective in importing technologies than collec- tivistic countries. However, a closer examina- tion makes this proce somewhat le clear. Al- though there are numerous examples of failures in technology tra fers that involve individualis- tic countries like the United States, Germany, and the United Kingdom, and some collectivistic countries like Venezuela (Marton, 1986), there also are succe ful examples of technological diffusion in countries that are strongly collec- tivistic. Japan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Tai- wan are four of the five drago of economic development in the Asian context. Their ability to a orb Western technology is remarkable, and we ca ot cite many parallel examples of mod- ern industrialization in Asia. However, these countries are high in masculinity. One of the co equences of masculinity is that economic growth is seen as more important than social welfare (which is not the case in Scandinavian countries) (Hofstede, 1980). Large-scale enter- prises, projects, and performance-driven organi- zational systems are more popular. This orienta- tion, coupled with collectivism, is, perha , re o ible for succe ful tra fers of technol- ogy to these natio . Otherwise, individualistic cultures are better able both to generate and to import technological advances. Proposition 4a: Organizatio located in indi- vidualistic cultures are more succe ful than or- ganizatio located in collectivistic cultures in their prope ity to a orb and diffuse imported technology. Proposition 4b: However, collectivistic cultures that are fairly masculine also are effective in such matters. Collectivism, which sometimes dampe i o- vation in organizatio , is, perha , held in check or counterbalanced by an emphasis on mascu- linity (Triandis, 1987). This tendency of mascu- line countries to emphasize economic growth and to foster performance-driven criteria in interna- tional trade and technology-related tra actio leads us to advance our fifth proposition. Proposition 5: Masculine cultures are more ef- fective than feminine cultures in a orbing and diffusing imported technology in organizational contexts. The growth of technology-related advances in these countries, as we have noted earlier, is phe- nomenal and without parallel in the history of world industrialization. Japan illustrates this pat- tern remarkably well. In the immediate post-war period, Japanese productivity compared to that of the United States was rather low: 5 percent in coal mining and chemicals, 10 percent in ru er, and 20 percent in rayon. Within a an of le than 40 years, Japan has rivaled the United States in integrated circuits and mainframe computers, and it leads both Europe and the United States in high technology trade to other developing countries (McMillan, 1984). How have Japan and its neighboring countries, such as South Korea (as pointed out by Nai itt, 1981) and Hong Kong, which are strongly masculine, been able to make these lea in technology, e ecially in contrast to countries like the Netherlands, Sweden, and Finland, which are strongly feminine and were left relatively undamaged during World War II? The a wers are complex and, perha , rooted in economic, historical, and cultural factors. But when we note that these Scandinavian countries are primarily feminine in orientation (Hofstede, 1983, p. 315), a clearer picture emerges. Masculine countries, more driven to compete, are more dynamic and action oriented. To compete succe fully in the global economy, one has to rapidly learn strategies for succe ful implementation of imported technologies. One important caveat is in order. Even though we have illustrated the effectivene of tra fer in terms of Hofstede's dime io , it should be noted that the idea emphasized here is one of compati- bility between natio and receptivity to techno- logical i ovation. In future analyses, if more reliable and empirically anchored measures of such dime io are available, one could use them also in addre ing this i ue of effective- ne of tra fer. With the final dime ion of cultural variation that plays a role in determining the efficacy of technology tra fers, we are concerned with the a tractive versus a ociative tendencies in a given culture (Gle &am Gle , 1981). In a ocia- tive cultures, people utilize a ociatio among events that may not have much logical basis, whereas in a tractive cultures, cause-effect re- latio hi or rational Judeo-Christian types of thinking are dominant. Gle and Gle (1981), who pioneered this inquiry in differentiating among cultures, clearly stated that a ociative thinking is not nece arily inferior to a tractive thinking; it is just different. Cognition and behav- ior in a ociative cultures often are diffuse. Communication is characterized by face-to-face contact, and it takes place among individuals who share a large body of information based on both historical and contextual modes (Hall, 1976). In contrast, a vast amount of communication in a tractive cultures tends to be conveyed through ma media and related technological mecha- nisms that are rather di imilar compared to face- to-face types of communication. In a ociative cultures, context is very impor- tant (Hall, 1976). The effectivene of communi- cation and i ovation depends on the ecific character of the context in which it takes place. Managers of work organizatio from a ocia- tive cultures also tend to be field-dependent (Gruenfeld &am MacEachron, 1975)-a tendency to view the world in a somewhat undifferentiated and global fashion. Economic development and technological change foster field independence and a tractive thinking, the dominant mode in the majority of Western countries (Triandis, 1987). Technological changes for the sake of progre per se often are su ect in a ociative cultures, and smooth tra fers, therefore, are bound to be more difficult to manage. The major reason for this is that effective tra fer of technology implies that members of a culture are rather so- phisticated in terms of their ability to a orb and utilize context-free information. This tendency is difficult to develop in cultures that function primarily by emphasizing context-dependent sources of information (Hall, 1976). Proposition 6: A tractive cultures are more ef- fective than a ociative cultures in their ability to a orb and diffuse imported technology. India and some countries in Latin America (e.g., Peru, Colombia, Venezuela) are more as- sociative than European countries in general (Gle &am Gle , 1981), and a closer examina- tion of the recent literature on technology tra - fers also reveals that they are le effective in a orbing imported technologies in their organi- zational contexts (Marton, 1986; Sachs, 1986).
2010-05-08 14:54:07
(把昨天踩碎,垂涎你)
太不厚道了吧,这么多。。。
2010-05-08 14:58:25
(欧洲 同姐妹 期待中)
大家帮帮忙吧 好吗?我明天答辩了 要不然死定了
2010-05-08 15:04:00
(要么忍
要么狠
要么滚)
坐等死定不如谷歌一个再修改咯
这个小组的成员也喜欢去 · middot middot middot middot middot (71843)
(12070)
(34946)
最新话题: (小堂庭) (rose-Spain) (su y) (小豆子) (空窗) (英语无忧) (jeff) (阿睐)
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